Thursday, September 24, 2020

SOMALIA: Maakhir University – A Campus of Somali National University (SNU)

The signing of the historic Maakhir-SNU agreement

Maakhir University – A Campus of Somali National University (SNU)

By Mohamed Elmi (Dholey)

Makhir University will be one of the campuses of Somali National University (SNU). MP Gamal has secured the approval from the Council of Ministers and Minister of Education, Minister Abdullahi Godax. Among the college campuses of SNU include the historically prestigious Lafoole and the main campus, Gaheyr.

The plan was approved and signed on May 21 by the Council of Ministers of the Federal Government. As a remote campus of SNU in northern Somalia, the budget was already appropriated and signed by the Minister of Finance; its faculty and staff will be paid regularly through the Federal Ministries of Education and Finance. 

Benefits

As the main northern campus of Somali National University (SNU), Maakhir University will help accelerate the town development of Badhan. Student admission will be rigorous and competitive and lead to an increase in the size and diversity of the student population. For over three decades, SNU used to be the prestigious national university with big names on its alumni. Additionally, the values of the school is to preserve the unity, sovereignty, and territorial integrity of the Federal Republic of Somalia. For instance, the university carries the symbol "National".  The federal council of ministers serves as the SNU’s board of directors and the national president nominally serves as its board chair.

Maakhir University students will enroll in undergraduate and graduate courses in its six faculties with 100% free tuition; however, incoming students are required to pay small administrative fees related to matriculation. Other benefits include sharing of resources and faculty between the two campuses, which will  help accelerate transfer of knowledge and skills. 

Challenges

As the main campus of the Somali National University, Makhir University clearly poses political and economic challenges to both “Somaliland” and Puntland. The latter fears a gradual shift in power and the capacity to exercise control over Maakhir regions. In a recent interview, Puntland’s leader, Mr. Deni, has accused the federal government of interfering in the internal affairs of “Somaliland”, as though the latter is an independent of the rest of the Federal Republic of Somalia. Clearly, Mr. Deni took a hostile posture that defies logic and legal bounds, adding to the frustration and the local’s deep discontent with Puntland's hollow claims over the status of Sanaag and Sool regions.

“Somaliland”, which does not control the region, is equally opposed to the expansion of Makhir University. Reliable sources indicate “Somaliland” authorities deployed federal MPs and ministers who are of the Dir clan family to pressure the federal government to deny or put off the merger indefinitely. The break-away region also used the Djibouti-held peace talks with the federal government as an additional leverage to stop the merger.

Community Support

SNU President, Prof. Jim'ale in Badhan, Sanaag, Somalia
The social, political, and economic impact of this historic agreement was well-known to the community.  Two federal MPs from the region were key to the success of the merger by mobilizing community leaders and the buy-in within the federal and state authorities and other stakeholders. The impetus for structural change is palpable as the president of the Somali National University, Prof. Jim'ale, received a major reception in Badhan, Sanaag, Somalia. The locals have long felt and tried to deal with the burden of sending their best and bright students to far-off regions. 
 
Conclusion 

A long-term solution is eliminating the harmful but false status of “disputed regions” through popular will and political leadership. However, in the short term, Gamal Hassan's leadership helped introduce incentives, and as a popular representative he worked hard to remove almost all the restraining forces that might have been created by Puntland elites, in particular, to keep the Maakhir regions under chronic under-development and marginalization. 

 

 

 

 

Wednesday, July 15, 2020

Northern Somalia Map

Northern Somalia: Official Districts in Sanaag and Sool Regions and the District of Bosasso 

 

Northern Somalia Map (PDF)

 

 

Sanaag Region

 

Wednesday, April 22, 2020

A Glimpse of History: The Rise of Pastoralists against a Locust Control Program in Northern Somalia

Somalis' historical movements against foreign rule were significant in different epochs. It involved from one with cohesive religious agenda during Ahmed Gurrey to one that exploited our clan divisions (not to the same degree as the Tories and Loyalists in American history) to mostly popular revolt against a set of colonial policies. Here is an account of pastoralists who rose in revolt against the introduction of anti-locust campaign and attempts by the colonial authority to suppress and crash the revolt.


Source of map: "Islam in Ethiopia" by Tirmingham
The introductory part of this important historic account rehearses the core justification of the colonial mission as to educate the locals, which they characterized as separate species not much different from the “wild” and the “beast” on how to govern themselves or in euphemistic language how to orient the locals to adopt a "modern" system of governance. The colonial mission rested on the notion that colonialism was benign intervention to improve African societies by creating European style nation-states.

This historic record reflects various accounts of fierce resistances against occupiers that are barely studied in Somali history. The revolt against the imposition of taxation, the formation of small political parties that articulated the discontent and aspirations of Somalis for independence are few examples. However, the chief aspect of this heterogeneous forms of political struggle besides the Dervish struggle, according to the literature, was the Pastoralist’s revolt against a locust control program in which the colonial regime attempted to allocate a “set poisoned bait” to all the districts in "British Somaliland".

In May 1945, Locust swarms descended on the countryside and destroyed dozens of farms and grazing lands. However, the locals became suspicious throughout the protectorate that the British had secret designs to destock or wipeout their livestock. The first peace disorder took place In Zeila and Badhan, burning bait dumps and attacking employees. The residents of Burco took the riot to the streets and petitioned the District Commissioner at the time. The colonial authority warned the protestors to refrain from spreading mischievous rumors and that its locust control program was in the interest of soil conservation. It warned that anyone who is found of spreading of such ill-conceived rumors faces punishment. The colonial authority also preempted religious leaders from assuming any meaningful role that may trigger popular resistance. According to Jama Mohamed who synthesized these various accounts of resistance in the literature, Somalis held the belief that that the colonial authority had secret plan to introduce settlers, and this was a persistent theme in the literature[1].

Barely into a month following efforts to reverse locust invasion, residents in Hadaaftimo adopted a strategy of non-cooperation in the form of street protests hurling stones and poetic exchanges to foment public discontent. Although there were some benefits of the poison baits in containing the spread of locust, the natives believed their opposition to the locust control program was the right approach to take in saving their livestock. Prior to the campaign, the administration introduced two new policies to protect and conserve the ecology of the land by encouraging more livestock exports and grazing restrictions. The locals reacted negatively to the latter and invoked it as a rallying cry throughout the period of revolt.

Other instances of the resistance came in the form of literary expression through poems that called for the people to rise against the colonial policies and to revenge for the killing of Sheikh Bashir whose body was refused a proper burial. Instead, the British authorities left it unburied in a Polyneices’ style of punishment. Haji Adan Afqaloc, a native of Erigavo district, composed two historic national poems. “Raqdii Bashiir”, “The Corpse of Bashiir” and “Gobonimodoon” “In defense of political independence” while in Burco Jail. (Interestingly enough, Mahatma Gandhi and Kwami Nkurumah had spent sometime in the colonial jail in Bur’o, former British Somaliland.) Previously, the rise of Sheikh Bashir came after the colonial administration punished the Habarjeclo clan by confiscating one thousand of their camels and charging extortionate fee for the release of each camel. Sheikh Bashir’s armed struggle was short-lived after units of the police force attacked his fort and killed him and his entire followers. The poem translated in English goes:

Sheikh Bashir was hanged in daylight, at a house near you,
 His body torn out by bullets,
And still covered with wet blood,
They kicked and insulted him
Then watched him with contempt
When the unwashed body was thrown outside,
And refused burial, you were all a witness.
There were others killed playfully,
 About which nothing was done
 The body of Qayb-diid is still warm
 Though an old man, Farah was sent to jail
 And now like a beggar he roams the outside world
 They refused him rights over his family and wealth
 The unjust man (British) is punishing everybody.
 What the English always wanted, the people of India refused
 The houses of Punjab and the gold that they hoarded there
 have been denied to them
 Now they look back at them with nostalgia 
 The celebration is for Muhammad Ali (Egypt)
 And the French are leaving Syria that they conquered
 They withdrew from Beirut, and Lebanon.
 Many ships will arrive at our ports,
 They will bring here (Somaliland) those thrown out by the
 stream of shit,
 The place where you pasture Daawad (the land), the infidels
 will settle,
 A man who owns a car and an aeroplane will force you to
 work on his farms,
 Few would survive such humiliation.


This rich poem, the content of which features historic figures and awareness of political outcome in far regions, angered the Warsangeli and many other pastoralists. The final content of this history is how the Warsangeli pastoralists challenged the colonial authority, which in turn responded with brute force. For the first time, the administration sent armored vehicles and an aircraft from Royal Air force based in Aden led by Major General Wood to combat the Warsangeli pastoralists. At the time of these incidents, the administration claimed all locals were already disarmed and "pacified",  yet the pastoralists continued to resist against the policy, daring to attack armored vehicles, for instance, in one instance, 300 Warsangeli clansmen armed with spears, attacked armored units at Hubeera and Hadeed towns. “Even though the pastoralists suffered losses, their attitude remained ‘unsatisfactory, and more force was considered necessary’: their attitude was ‘unsatisfactory’ to Major Wood, because they continued to resist the antilocust campaign, and so more troops and police armoured cars were dispatched to the district,” per the literature. It is important to note that Somalis understood the concept of unity as it prevailed in our country back then.

This history reminds us that our people were united against foreign rule regardless of our narrow differences. Great poems like those of Haji Afqaloc did spark the revival of Somali nationalism long after Sayid Mohamed and Dervishes were defeated following the aerial bombardment of Taleh, Badhan, and Jidbale, former Dervish bases.

Mohamed Elmi

Note: The article was first posted in 2008.

[1] Mohamed, J. (2002). 'The Evils of Locust Bait': Popular Nationalism during the 1945 Anti-Locust Control Rebellion in Colonial Somaliland. Past and Present, (174), 184-216.